HOT SPOTS FOR VIOLENCE:
THE ENVIRONMENT OF PUBS
AND CLUBS
In Villa Gessel, a well known seaside resort south of Buenos Aires, a young descendant of a paraguayan family was beaten to death outside a nearby disco by a group of thugs who practised rugby
Did the homicide have to do with Rugby ethos , with drugs and alcohol abuse or with other deeply rooted factors of immorality in our youths ?
What is it like on first world countries like Australia ?
Professor Ross Homel
School of Justice Administration
Griffith University
Queensland
Dr Steve Tomsen
Department of Sociology
University of Newcastle
New South Wales
VIOLENCE HAS BECOME A MATTER OF MAJOR PUBLIC CONCERN IN AUSTRALIA in
recent years.
Two separate massacres in Melbourne in 1987 and one in Sydney in
1991— each by a lone gunman— horrified the nation and reinforced the view of
many that Australia is becoming a more violent and lawless country. Anecdotal
evidence and systematic survey data both confirm that fear of random, unprovoked
violence from strangers now has a major effect on the lives of many ordinary
Australians (van Dijk, Mayhew & Killias 1991).
However, criminological research (see Australia 1990) suggests that most acts of
interpersonal violence are not the result of random attacks by madmen on complete
strangers, but involve ordinary people as both attackers and victims who frequently
know each other and who, for one reason or another, come into conflict in the home,
street, workplace, or place of recreation. Indeed, even a quick perusal of the statistics
on homicides and assaults leads one to a conclusion which may be banal but is of
fundamental importance: the places in which most acts of interpersonal violence occur,
and the times at which they occur, mirror, at least roughly, the rhythms and routines of
daily
Homicide: Patterns, Prevention and Control
54
life (see Robb 1988). A substantial number of homicides involve intimates within the
family home because those are the circumstances in which many people spend much of
their lives. A higher proportion of non-fatal assaults than of homicides take place
outside the home and involve strangers, but these events are also highly patterned,
being more common late at night and on weekends, when social life and interaction is
at its most intense. As Cohen and Felson put it:
Rather than assuming that predatory crime is simply an indicator of social
breakdown, one might take it as a byproduct of freedom and prosperity as they
manifest themselves in the routine activities of everyday life. (1979, p. 605).
There are few activities as routine in Australian culture as the imbibing of
alcoholic beverages. According to a 1988 survey of four Australian states (Berger et
al. 1990), three-quarters of all adults drink at least occasionally and one in ten can be
classified as a 'heavy drinker'. Half the population drink at least once or twice a week,
and especially for men under the age of twenty-five, this drinking is often done at
hotels or licensed clubs. It is perhaps not surprising, therefore, that assaults and
homicides frequently involve the presence of alcohol in the offender, victim, or both.
Collins (1989) cites evidence that as many as 80 per cent of those arrested in the USA
for cutting, concealed weapons, other assaults, murder, and shooting had measurable levels
of alcohol in their urine, while Robb (1988)— in a study of serious assaults recorded by
police in New South Wales— found that 40 per cent were nominated by police as involving
alcohol. Moreover, assaults coming to police notice and recorded by them frequently occur
after midnight around pub closing times, and at least 20 per cent take place in or around
licensed premises (Victoria 1989; Robb 1988). Alcohol involvement in homicides occurring
during peak entertainment periods seems to be even more pronounced than for non-fatal
assaults: nearly half (48 per cent) of all homicides occurring on Saturdays in New South
Wales in the years 1968 to 1986 involved suspects who had been drinking in the previous
twelve hours (Bonney 1987).
However, police statistics may greatly understate the extent of alcohol-related
violent crime because most assaults are not reported and because police often seem to
be more reluctant to record reported alcohol-related assaults than reported nonalcohol-related assaults. Surveys of injured persons presenting at hospital for treatment
permit a clearer picture of the true incidence of pub and club related violence, since
assault victims are more likely to seek medical than police assistance. One recent
hospital survey in Sydney suggests that each year in New South Wales many thousands
of people, mostly young men, are injured (sometimes quite seriously) as a result of
assaults occurring in or around licensed premises (Cuthbert 1990).
Statistical associations do not prove that alcohol consumption actually causes
violence. After all, if drinking is common behaviour, and if violent incidents can be
thought of as 'routine activities which share many attributes of, and are interdependent
with, other routine activities' (Cohen & Felson 1979, p. 589), then it would be
surprising not to find alcohol implicated in many instances of assault. The question is
whether alcohol consumption itself
Hot Spots for Violence: the Environment of Pubs and Clubs
55
contributes in some way to the likelihood of violence, or whether aspects of the
drinkers or of the drinking settings are the critical factors. It is quite possible, for
example, that male attitudes which legitimise the physical maltreatment of women, or
environmental factors like crowding, discomfort, and aggressive bouncers in pubs and
clubs, are the real causes of much alcohol-related violence (McGregor 1990; Victorian
Community Council Against Violence 1990).
The purpose of this paper is to report briefly the method, results, and implications of
some observational research into pubs and clubs which were conducted in Sydney in 1989
(for further details of the study see Tomsen, Homel & Thommeny 1990; Homel & Tomsen
1991; Homel, Tomsen & Thommeny 1992). The study was the first systematic attempt in
Australia to examine possible links between aspects of the environment of public drinking
and the occurrence of violence. A key assumption was that there is a complex (but
nevertheless real) relation between violence and public drinking (not the mere ingestion of
ethanol) which is embedded in Australian history and culture and reproduced in institutional
arrangements and regulatory and police practices regarding drinking. This research aimed
to transcend the narrow debate about the effects of ethanol the substance by focusing on
the total environment of drinking and its regulation (or lack of regulation) by management,
police, and other public officials. Thus features of the external regulation of licensed
premises were considered as well as more directly observable characteristics such as
physical layout, patron mix, and social atmosphere.
Although not directly a study of homicide, the research has obvious relevance if
one accepts the assumption that violence occurring in and around licensed premises
forms a continuum, from acts of non-physical aggression through 'brawls' and 'fights' to
acts of homicide. While obviously most incidents are relatively minor, occasionally
people are killed in or around clubs and pubs. Indeed, more than one male homicide
victim in ten is killed in these locations (although, interestingly, fewer than 2 per cent
of female victims: Bonney 1987).
On this view, a homicide is a serious assault which
for some reason results in death rather than serious injury, but for which the situational
factors are not qualitatively different from those applying to non-fatal incidents. This
assumption is open to question, and should be empirically investigated. However, since
no homicides were observed in the course of this study, little light can be thrown on
the issue in the present paper, except to point out that some of the worst premises in
Sydney were included in our observations.
Method
Studies of drinking in public places have been conducted for many years (Fisher 1985). A
study by Graham and her colleagues (Graham et al. 1980) in Vancouver was especially
valuable as a guide for this research, since data were obtained for a large number of
situational variables as well as for instances of aggression and physical violence. Four
observers (working in male-female pairs) noted 160 incidents of aggression (forty-seven
involving physical violence) in 633 hours of observation in 185 drinking establishments.
Many variables were positively
Homicide: Patterns, Prevention and Control
56
correlated with aggression, including the percentage of drunk patrons, the percentage of
American Indians, poor ventilation, the amount of sexual body contact, lack of cleanliness,
and a hostile atmosphere. The authors stressed, however, that the barroom environment is
best viewed as 'an ecological system', and implied that the overall influence of this ecology
on aggression may be greater than the sum of the effects of individual variables. Through
factor analysis and qualitative analysis they identified one distinct type of bar— the Skid
Row Aggressive Bar— which was characterised by high levels of aggression, extreme
intoxication, down-and-out patrons not accepted anywhere else, and a 'bizarre atmosphere'
in which deviant and unusual behaviours were tolerated, and even encouraged. The extent
to which skid row bars constitute a major part of the problem of violence in other localities
is a matter for further research.
Many of the variables and insights from the Vancouver research were used as a
starting point for this study. Influence also came from these authors' suggestions that
future research concentrate on places where alcohol-related aggression most often
occurs, and that within this context more details be collected on the processes of
aggression. This immediately raised two related questions: the method of sampling
(how were 'high risk' venues to be identified?); and the method of data collection (how
best could 'ecological processes' be studied?).
An early decision was taken to use qualitative rather than quantitative methods,
relying heavily on unstructured observations in licensed premises and, to a lesser
extent, on semi-structured interviews with licensing and general duties police, chamber
magistrates, and security industry personnel. There were several reasons for the
decision to use a qualitative approach. While the Vancouver research identified many
potentially relevant situational factors, it was obvious reading the results that there
were a large number of differences between drinking settings in Sydney in the late
1980s and in Vancouver in the late 1970s, and that many more variables would have to
be generated. More importantly, it was judged that the reduction of the problem to
'variable analysis', even after extensive piloting, would hinder attempts to explore the
complex interactions and subtle processes which, we hypothesised, led to violence. In
addition, the absence of any objective database in New South Wales identifying
licensed premises as more or less violent necessitated a 'theoretical sampling' strategy
based on the best available qualitative judgements concerning premises' standings in
terms of violence and/or poor management (Glaser & Strauss 1967). Being unable to
stratify the population of premises, unweighted probability sampling would have
yielded too few high risk premises to allow detailed analysis of the relevant
environmental factors.
The aim was to contrast situational variables and management practices in a small
number of premises known to have been regularly violent over a long period of time
with the same factors in a sample of establishments noted for their lack of violence or
for their ability to defuse violent incidents when they occurred. Using this design, even
if little violence was actually observed in the study, it would be possible to explore
aspects of drinking settings which were associated with violence. Eventually four highrisk and two low-risk premises were identified on the basis of first-hand knowledge,
police
Hot Spots for Violence: the Environment of Pubs and Clubs
57
information and exploratory visits. Each of these premises was visited by pairs of
observers at least five times, each observation period being between two and six hours
in duration. A further sixteen sites were visited at least once, making a total of fiftyfive visits to twenty-three sites in seventeen establishments. Total observation time was
nearly 300 hours.
All the premises studied intensively were in suburban locations. This was not
because it was thought that there is more drinking-related violence in the suburbs—
police statistics and research suggest the contrary— but because the problems in city
locations such as Kings Cross in Sydney or West End in Melbourne are often dispersed
across a number of violent venues. It is easier to plausibly link public violence and the
characteristics of particular premises in suburban locations. One consequence of this
sampling strategy was that 'skid row' premises did not figure as prominently as in the
Vancouver study, although some were visited, particularly during the exploratory
phases.
One type of problem location studied intensively was licensed clubs. Licensed
clubs have often been credited with being more orderly than hotels and having good
control over their patrons, but it appears that financial pressures have led many to
develop forms of entertainment, principally late-night discos or live music for young
people, which create problems not anticipated by management. In fact, all the violent
mainstream premises chosen for full study, whether in pubs or clubs, traded after
midnight and were popular with young people because they provided live music or a
disco.
The control sites were studied for the features which distinguish them from the
violent. However, during field research it soon became apparent that the violent
premises are for most of the time not violent. Violent occasions in these places seemed
to have characteristics that clearly marked them out from non-violent times. In effect,
these locations were acting as controls for themselves. This unexpectedly helped to
refine ideas about the relevant situational variables and to some extent reduced the
importance of comparisons with the premises selected as controls. Eventually it could
be noted which variables regularly prevailed and linked up with each other during
violent or peaceful periods.
This method was actually an extension of the theoretical sampling approach, from
the choice of physical sites to the choice of times and days for observation. For
example, one site was very violent on a night which had discount drinks and a punk
band. The observers returned on a similar night with full-priced drinks and a similar
band so as to discern any differences and hoping that other aspects of the drinking
environment were essentially unchanged. By this, comparative means hypotheses about
key variables and their relations were being tested out during observation and to some
extent were directing its pattern.
In broad terms, the method of data collection and analysis was based on Miles and
Huberman (1984). After leaving a site, notes were made and information written onto
an observation sheet listing a large number of variables. The visits were then written up
as separate narrative accounts by each observer. These narratives were cross-checked
and later coded at group meetings. Early and often clumsy efforts to code narratives
signalled whether or not various codes were meaningful and linked to the data. Indeed,
the real
Homicide: Patterns, Prevention and Control
58
thinking about the research questions took the form of regularly revising the codes, a
process which was more productive than premature speculation about the 'real' causes
of violence. After at least a dozen revisions, almost 200 coded items were settled upon,
grouped under a small number of broad headings: physical and social atmosphere,
drinking, patrons, staff, and violence. To simplify analysis, summary sheets for each
narrative were also prepared, classified according to the degree of violence observed.
Results
In total, thirty-two assaults involving some degree of physical violence were observed
during the course of the study. Excluding nine rough ejections which were borderline
assaults, the thirty-two incidents represent a rate of about 11 per 100 hours
observation— 50 per cent higher than the rate of 7.4 in the Vancouver study. The
higher rate is not surprising, since violent premises were over-sampled and were also
sampled late at night when violence is more likely. Graham et al. (1980) report that
they witnessed no brawls and no incidents involving serious physical injury.
By
contrast, four of the thirty-two incidents in our study were 'brawls', and a number of
assaults were rated as 'serious' by observers. For example, in one case an ejected
patron was held by three bouncers who repeatedly bashed his head against a steel
garbage crate, while on another occasion a floor manager apparently confused a young
man with another patron who had been in a fight, lost his temper, and began to throttle
this very small and young drinker who choked for several minutes.
In contrast to findings from the limited amount of anthropological research, such
as Dyck's (1980) analysis of 'scrapping' in barrooms in the small western Canadian city
of Parklund, most of the incidents in our study could not be characterised as 'fights' in
the sense of being equal conflicts freely entered into by the participants. In at most
one-quarter of cases could the victim be said to have actually or possibly invited the
attack. Assailants— whether patrons or staff— who deliberately seek out a violent
encounter appear to pick their mark, who are most often fewer in number, younger,
and smaller. Assailants also appear to focus on victims who they see are quite drunk,
or at least far more intoxicated than they are. When more than two parties are
involved, pub assaults are often further trivialised as 'brawls', with the equal
responsibility of all parties— assailants and victims— implied by this. By our reckoning,
equal responsibility is usually not the case.
The data analysis suggests that much of the violence observed in this study was not
due to anything inherent in public drinking or in the typical patrons of these venues. The
key variables suggested by the 'constant comparative' and empirically grounded form of
analysis were aspects of the patron type, the social atmosphere, drinking patterns, and the
behaviour of doormen.
Patron type
The typical patrons in violent premises are young, working class men. However, the
social class of patrons cannot explain the differences between these violent sites and
more peaceful venues with patrons from a similar social background, nor can it explain
why the violent venues are at other
Hot Spots for Violence: the Environment of Pubs and Clubs
59
times peaceful, although the patrons present are much the same. Moreover, there is no
clear causal connection between the young age of regular patrons and levels of
violence. The single venue with the greatest number of young drinkers was in fact one
of the non-violent locations selected as a control.
The gender ratio in venues, together with the social links between the males
present, seem more critical than age or class. The proportion of males and presence of
male groups in any venue seem to exacerbate feelings of rivalry and group loyalty and
can result in arguments and fights. Males in groups, especially as strangers to each
other, were seen to come into conflict more readily. The venues we studied drew a
larger number of these groups of strangers than others, attracting people from a fairly
wide area.
Solo males and males with female partners or in mixed groups appear to be less
inclined to enter into conflicts. However, it should not be assumed that the presence of
women always has a pacifying effect on social atmosphere or that it is rare for women
to become involved in conflict and violence. Women were victims of male violence in
two incidents, and arguments, challenges, mock fights and fights between females were
observed regularly at most of the violent locations— the worst of these involving
women bouncers. A surprisingly high number of women patrons spoken to also
followed the male path in being apparently indifferent to acts of violence, and several
took pleasure in watching fights and brawls.
Social atmosphere
Although no direct connection between physical attractiveness and violence could be
found, attractive, renovated, and well-designed surroundings commonly mean that a
venue also has a responsible management and positive staff who relate well to patrons.
Not surprisingly, unattractive, neglected, and dirty venues also tended to be among the
least comfortable and to have poorly supervised, aggressive, and abrasive staff.
However, despite all the myths, rough pubs with plenty of rowdy behaviour (which
would include the local workingmen's pubs celebrated in Australian folklore) are not
necessarily violent.
The two most relevant aspects of atmosphere seem to be comfort and boredom.
Comfortable premises are not necessarily the most attractive, renovated places. The
most important aspects seem to be roominess, ventilation, and, especially if it is from
music of poor quality, only moderate noise. Big crowds in most sites usually mean
discomfort for many patrons— a problem exacerbated by a lack of seating and by
crowded corridors, stairs, and doorways. Patrons in these situations tend to alleviate
their discomfort by more rapid drinking, which causes higher levels of drunkenness,
and eventually aggressive reactions to discomfort directed at individuals or property.
Overcrowding on dancefloors appeared to be linked to several arguments and at least
one of the severe assaults observed.
Levels of comfort interact with levels of boredom. Entertained crowds are less
hostile, drink more slowly, and seem to be less bothered by uncomfortable
surroundings. In some venues, levels of boredom and aggression directed at other
patrons were reduced by entertainment in such
Homicide: Patterns, Prevention and Control
60
forms as television, videos, and game and card machines. Stage entertainment
including dancing and quizzes were also noted to reduce levels of boredom and
aggression, sometimes at a critical point during the night when the form of patron
interaction suggested that conflict was likely.
Of the many aspects of entertainment and boredom, bands and music are
perhaps of greatest importance.
While violent and non-violent occasions do not
follow a simple bands/no bands dichotomy, quality bands that entertain an
audience generate a positive social atmosphere that has been observed to
counteract other negative variables. A smaller crowd with a bad band seems more
likely to present trouble than a large crowd entertained by quality musicians.
Drinking patterns
High levels of intoxication are an obvious feature of many violent occasions. This is
worsened by discount drinks, with prices in some venues being as low as ten or eleven
cents. More commonly, discount drinks are set at around a dollar on specific discount
nights. On these occasions many patrons who have paid a high cover charge (for
example, $10) in order to see an inferior band or just to enter a disco, seem to decide
that they should become quite drunk in order to get their 'money's worth'. In fact, the
most violent visit of all, with very high levels of intoxication and seven assaults
observed in a few hours, was an 11c discount night with an $11 cover charge. In some
clubs, cheaper drink prices (for example, $1.30 for a strong mixed drink) can also
serve to bring on very high levels of drunkenness and resulting violence. This was
obviously the case in the licensed club included among our group of four most violent
premises. As already noted, it is important that these rates of drinking can also be
artificially raised by high discomfort and boredom.
Many patrons appear to pass through stages of drunkenness— with aggression
coming later. Substantial amounts of food that can lower levels of drunkenness were
generally not available in the violent premises we studied, especially later at night when
patrons are more intoxicated. Some locations had a small range of hot food available,
but more often snacks were limited to hotdogs. Hotdog stands often appear to have
the adverse effect of encouraging patrons to mill around outside venues. Both of the
non-violent control locations that were studied operated substantial restaurants.
Doormen
The behaviour of bar staff does not figure as highly as expected in the creation of an
aggressive or violent atmosphere. Edgy and aggressive bouncers are another matter.
They have been observed to initiate fights or further encourage them on several
occasions. Some were even observed to leave premises while they were on duty in
order to continue a fight with departing patrons. More often, they have been seen to
show a good measure of indifference to violence. They regularly asked conflicting
patrons to leave premises, and then virtually arranged a fight that they and departing
patrons could watch immediately outside the location. The unprofessional view that
Hot Spots for Violence: the Environment of Pubs and Clubs
61
assaults occurring just outside the premises where they are employed are not their
business, appears to be commonplace.
Many bouncers seem poorly trained, obsessed with their own machismo (relating badly
to groups of male strangers), and some of them appear to regard their employment as
giving them a licence to assault people. This may be encouraged by management adherence
to a repressive model of supervision of patrons ('if they play up, thump 'em') which, despite
their belief, does not reduce trouble and adds further to a hostile and aggressive
atmosphere. In practice many bouncers are not well-managed in their work and appear to
be given a job autonomy and discretion that they cannot handle well.
The bad relations of many male bouncers with male patrons led some of our
informants to suggest that women should be employed on pub and club doors.
Although in one club the use of a well-spoken female on the door seemed to appease
groups of males who were refused entry for non-membership, it is simplistic to suggest
that these sorts of conciliatory skills are held by all females and no males.
Some male
door staff were observed to have these qualities and took the role of restraining other
bouncers from excessive violence. The most relevant factors seem to be training and
experience, rather than gender. Unfortunately, bouncing is still an occupation with a
high rate of turnover. Younger bouncers may be leaving this sort of work just as they
are beginning to acquire the sort of experience and work maturity that their job
requires.
Summary
Violent incidents in public drinking locations do not occur simply because of the
presence of young or rough patrons or because of rock bands, or any other single
variable. Violent occasions are characterised by subtle interactions of several variables.
Chief among these are groups of male strangers, low comfort, high boredom, high
drunkenness, as well as aggressive and unreasonable bouncers and floor staff.
Discussion
This research confirms the work of Graham et al. (1979) and others in that a great deal
of violence occurs in and around licensed premises. While some of the violence
observed did not result in serious injury, many of the incidents would be classified as
serious assaults by any reasonable criterion. In this respect, the research findings reflect
everyday experience that violence is a routine aspect of interactions in many pubs and
clubs.
However, it is important to recall that the sample of Sydney drinking places was
biased towards times and places where prior knowledge indicated that violence was
likely to occur and that, even in the worst places, many visits were 'uneventful' in the
sense that no violence was observed. This is consistent with the finding of Graham and
her colleagues (1979) that a small number of premises— chiefly of the 'skid row'
variety— accounted for a high proportion of all observed instances of aggression. It is
also consistent with the preliminary results of a recent observational study of a
representative sample of thirty-four Sydney clubs and pubs which found that 16 per
cent of
Homicide: Patterns, Prevention and Control
62
all premises accounted for three-quarters of all observed incidents of physical violence.
(This study was supervised by Ross Homel and involved 147 visits and 300 hours of
observation. It was carried out by twenty-two senior year students of Macquarie
University in July and August 1991.)
The existence of 'hot spots' of predatory crime has been the subject of some recent
criminological research. Sherman, Gartin and Buerger (1989) analysed calls to police
in Minneapolis over one year and showed that all recorded domestic disturbances
occurred at 9 per cent of all possible addresses, while all recorded assaults occurred in
only 7 per cent of all possible locations in the city. These authors build on a popular
sociological theory of crime, 'routine activities theory', which attempts to account for
the non-random distribution of crime by proposing that the rate at which such events
occur in collectivities is affected by:
the convergence in space and time of the three minimal elements of direct-contact
predatory violations: motivated offenders, suitable targets, and the absence of
capable guardians against a violation (Cohen & Felson 1979, p. 589).
Sherman and his colleagues extend the ideas of routine activities theory from
collectivity to 'place', arguing that places, like persons, can be seen to have routine
activities subject to both formal and informal regulation.
One advantage of applying the routine activities perspective is that it becomes
immediately apparent that single variable theories of violence (for example, 'he did it
because he was drunk') are unlikely to have much explanatory power. This is because the
critical factors are not those to do with offenders, victims, or guardians alone, but those
affecting their convergence in time and space. Thus high rates of intoxication do not on
their own guarantee that violence will break out, since it is not clear that intoxication will
inevitably increase the supply of motivated offenders and suitable victims, or that it will
have any effect on the presence of capable guardians.
However, in interaction with other
factors, intoxication may be a potent explanatory factor— as this analysis suggests.
Laboratory research has generally failed to find any direct connection between the
ingestion of alcohol and the incidence of aggression (see Gustafson 1986a; Taylor &
Gammon 1976), but has highlighted the importance of interactions of alcohol
consumption with factors like frustration (Gustafson 1986b). Violence may therefore
occur (as it did in this study) when some patrons are vulnerable to attack due to their
extreme intoxication, when formal or informal controls are not sufficient to deter
violence, and when potential offenders are drunk and frustrated— frustration perhaps
being promoted by poor quality entertainment or by crowding.
In a well-managed club or pub employing skilled doormen and floor staff who can
detect problem situations before they get out of hand, or who have good
communication skills and can defuse aggression before it leads to violence, there may
rarely be any connection between levels of intoxication and violence. Alternatively,
aspects of patron mix may amplify or reduce the risk of violence when rates of
intoxication are high by affecting the processes of informal guardianship or by
influencing the motivations of offenders and
Hot Spots for Violence: the Environment of Pubs and Clubs
63
the supply of victims. Drunk males on their own often make good victims; informal
controls on aggression may work far better in groups consisting of both men and
women, even if everyone is drunk, than in all-male groups.
The emphasis on the interactions of several factors does not mean that the need for
some direct controls on intoxication is rejected. One striking aspect of poor management is
the way in which some licensees promote high levels of drunkenness by various kinds of
drinks promotions, such as cheap drinks combined with high cover charges. For this reason,
an immediate and direct legislative assault on all practices involving discount drinks, 'twofor-one' promotions, happy hours, and any other serving practices which have the effect of
producing high levels of drunkenness in a short period is advocated. While one might
debate the rights of individual patrons to choose to drink to intoxication, our findings
concerning the destructive effects of mass binge drinking resulting from deliberate and
irresponsible price discounting and drinks promotions leaves us in no doubt that such
practices should be banned.
Other major policy recommendations also concern the responsibilities of
management. A major flaw in the current form of the Liquor Act 1982 (NSW) is that
violence is mentioned in passing in only two places, with assaults on individual victims
being seen as the responsibility of those victims, rather than being viewed as the
outcome of management practices. There is an urgent need for amendments to this Act
so that the continuous operation of a violent venue is an offence that will lead to the
cancellation of a licence. Action to close down at least five regularly violent discos in
the West End area of Melbourne has been taken in the past two years, on the initiative
of the Liquor Licensing Commission and the Victorian Community Council Against
Violence, but similar action appears never to have been contemplated in New South
Wales and other states.
A further policy priority to emerge from this research was the need for better
regulation and training of bouncers. Bouncers are required under the Security
Amendment Act 1985 (NSW) to hold both a valid and current security licence and to
carry related identification on the job, such as a photo identification card. One aim of
this legislative provision is to discourage aggressive and violent individuals from
becoming bouncers. However, it is obvious from research that, despite the intentions
of the legislators, a significant number of working (and licensed) doormen are still
prone to violence. This suggests that there is a need to mandate training for security
staff in human interaction skills, crowd control, and non-violent conflict resolution. In
addition, it is essential that the existing legislation be enforced in line with the
intentions of parliament. Without a greater overall police effort to implement the
Security Amendment Act, it has little more than symbolic value and will do nothing to
reduce actual levels of violence.
Conclusion
Regular violence in public drinking locations cannot simply be blamed on rowdy
patrons or excused as something natural and unstoppable. Nor can it simply be blamed
on the irresponsible ingestion of a legal drug. The drinking environment is an evolving
historical and cultural product which can be left
Homicide: Patterns, Prevention and Control
64
unchanged or altered for the better. It is clear from our research that continuous
patterns of violence in these locations are strongly related to local situational variables,
which in turn reflect management practices and government legislation and regulation.
While it is difficult, and perhaps not even desirable, to attempt to modify the routine
activities of pub and club goers, it is far easier, and surely consistent with broad
considerations of the public good, to regulate the routine activities of the premises they
frequent (Sherman et al. 1989). The most extreme way of doing this is to incapacitate the
activities of the worst 'hot spots' by licence cancellation. Short of this, the other reforms in
regulatory practices which have been outlined briefly in this paper have the potential to
improve greatly the safety of licensed premises for the tens of thousands of young people
who rely on these places to provide most of their entertainment.
Acknowledgments
The study of licensed premises in Sydney was funded by the Criminology Research
Council and the New South Wales Directorate of the Drug Offensive, and was also
actively supported by the New South Wales Police Department, who seconded
Constable J. Thommeny to the project to assist in data collection and analysis. The
opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect
the views or policies of the funding agencies or of the New South Wales Police
Service.
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lunes, 3 de febrero de 2020
megxit
MEGXIT
WHY IS IT THAT WE ARE ALWAYS knocked off our perches WHEN OUR COMFORT ZONE IS SHAKEN off our feet ?
How has the news of Megahn and Harry stepping back from the monarchy caught on you ?
look up an article on this topic and publish it Then write your conclusions on it
comment on this photo
WHY IS IT THAT WE ARE ALWAYS knocked off our perches WHEN OUR COMFORT ZONE IS SHAKEN off our feet ?
How has the news of Megahn and Harry stepping back from the monarchy caught on you ?
look up an article on this topic and publish it Then write your conclusions on it
comment on this photo
LEAVERS OR REMAINERS HOW S BREXIT TODAY ?
THE UK HAS FINALLY BROKEN AWAY FROM THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY
However, far it be from appeasing the turmoil in British Society Many people were celebrating at DOWNING STREET on Friday but many others are extemelly worried because England s future is uncertain
For the coming year Boris Johnson has announced that England has stated its process of separating fromthe EU but it willtake a full year to see its consequences
What will happen to Scotland? They want a new referendum
What will happen to Ireland s northern border ? Since the war ended between those two countries, a free border had quietened the spirits and made things a lot eaier for irish and british people
Now nobody knows what will happen
Read this article and sum up its veiws on 22 words maximum
http://theconversation.com/british-people-now-define-themselves-as-leavers-or-remainers-so-what-happens-after-brexit-130634
However, far it be from appeasing the turmoil in British Society Many people were celebrating at DOWNING STREET on Friday but many others are extemelly worried because England s future is uncertain
For the coming year Boris Johnson has announced that England has stated its process of separating fromthe EU but it willtake a full year to see its consequences
What will happen to Scotland? They want a new referendum
What will happen to Ireland s northern border ? Since the war ended between those two countries, a free border had quietened the spirits and made things a lot eaier for irish and british people
Now nobody knows what will happen
Read this article and sum up its veiws on 22 words maximum
http://theconversation.com/british-people-now-define-themselves-as-leavers-or-remainers-so-what-happens-after-brexit-130634
THE BENEFITS OF LEARNING A FOREIGN LANGUAGE
Benefits of Learning a Second Language
“Research suggests that children who learn a second language early on are apt to become multilingual, become more proficient in their native language and score better in their achievement tests.” (Bowles) Many studies have been completed, which prove that not only are students that study foreign language more likely to learn their native language and excel at standard tests, but that these students will be further able to 9 communicate with a larger population, appreciate foreign cultures, improve their overall school performance, and contribute to society. Communication A second language not only allows people to communicate with a larger population but also allows for benefits in the workplace. It is important in today’s society to be able to communicate with a variety of cultures in a variety of settings. (Looking to the Standards) Speaking a foreign language allows a person to communicate with people they would otherwise not be able communicate with because of the language barrier.
The ability to speak a second language also offers an advantage in the workplace because it opens up job opportunities. (Marcos, “Why, How, and When Should my Child Learn a Second Language”) A survey was completed of business expectations regarding foreign language studies which stated, “international study should not be considered a separate specialization as much as a component of academic and occupational training programs.” (McClendon) The ability to communicate and understand other cultures is becoming increasingly important in business society, and many employers look for employees that are fluent in two or more languages. Speaking another language also gives one an edge over another employee with equal training when competing for a promotion. Improved Overall School/Intellectual Performance Studies have suggested that students who study foreign language are more creative and are more capable of solving complex problems than those students that do not study a foreign language. (Marcos, “Why, How, and When Should my Child Learn a Second Language”) These students also demonstrate superiority in divergent thinking, 10 memory ability, attention span, and score higher in both verbal and non-verbal intelligence. (Benefits of Second Language Learning) “One study showed that by the fifth year of an immersion program, students outperformed all comparison groups and remained high academic achievers throughout their schooling.” (Marcos, “Why, How, and When Should my Child Learn a Second Language”)
Students that study a second language also tend to have higher test scores in subjects such as reading, language, and mathematics. It has also been observed that for every additional year of a foreign language a student receives, the more likely the student is to excel at other subjects. (Benefits of Second Language Learning) Improved Standardized Test Scores Research states, according to a 1992 report, College Bound Seniors: The 1992 Profile of SAT and Achievement Test Takers, students who had taken 4 or more years of a foreign language scored higher on the verbal portion of the SAT I. (Marcos, “Why, How, and When Should my Child Learn a Second Language”) Other more recent studies have been conducted that further support this report. In addition to SAT I scores, SAT II foreign language test scores as well as advanced placement examination scores for foreign languages would increase on an average. Higher standardized test scores would help students become accepted to college and would ensure that the student is prepared for further foreign language studies in college. These students may even be applicable to receive college credit for work done in high school. 11 Enhancing of Primary Language Foreign language students are at a benefit because they are able to develop a greater understanding of their primary language. Through learning the structures of other languages students are able develop a better understanding of how the English language works. Second language education has been proven to significantly strengthen the student’s primary language in areas such as grammar, vocabulary, reading, and communication skills. (Benefits of Second Language Learning) Many educators and parents worry that the study of a second language early in the child’s development of their primary language, will negatively affect the progression of this primary language. This is not the case, because studies state that the earlier a child starts a second language, the greater the positive effect on the primary language. (Alberta) Studies have been conducted and offer evidence “that no long-term delay in native English language development occurs in children participating in second language classes, even in full immersion programs.” (Marcos, “Why, How, and When Should my Child Learn a Second Language”)
Deeper Understanding of Culture In today’s society, it is very important to be able to look beyond cultural boundaries. “Language, communication, and education have become the national defense of the year 2000. Language and understanding other culture will be more critical than ever in this new world.” (McClendon) Students that study a second language are introduced to a great variety of culture and as a result demonstrate a greater cultural sensitivity. In addition to this, students are provided with superior cross-cultural skills and are able to better accustom themselves to a variety of cultural contexts. (Benefits of 12 Second Language Learning)
The awareness of other cultures will allow students to better appreciate their own culture as well as those of their peers and even strangers. In the workplace this is a very valuable trait because foreign companies are often more receptive to culturally aware businessmen/businesswomen. Contribution to Society People that are able to speak a second language are a benefit to American society because they “enhance our economic competitiveness abroad, improve global communication, and maintain our political and security interests.” (Marcos, “Why, How, and When Should my Child Learn a Second Language”) Foreign relations are very important, and there is a desperate need for qualified people who speak foreign languages in areas such as science, technology, medicine, and global commerce. (Alberta)
“Research suggests that children who learn a second language early on are apt to become multilingual, become more proficient in their native language and score better in their achievement tests.” (Bowles) Many studies have been completed, which prove that not only are students that study foreign language more likely to learn their native language and excel at standard tests, but that these students will be further able to 9 communicate with a larger population, appreciate foreign cultures, improve their overall school performance, and contribute to society. Communication A second language not only allows people to communicate with a larger population but also allows for benefits in the workplace. It is important in today’s society to be able to communicate with a variety of cultures in a variety of settings. (Looking to the Standards) Speaking a foreign language allows a person to communicate with people they would otherwise not be able communicate with because of the language barrier.
The ability to speak a second language also offers an advantage in the workplace because it opens up job opportunities. (Marcos, “Why, How, and When Should my Child Learn a Second Language”) A survey was completed of business expectations regarding foreign language studies which stated, “international study should not be considered a separate specialization as much as a component of academic and occupational training programs.” (McClendon) The ability to communicate and understand other cultures is becoming increasingly important in business society, and many employers look for employees that are fluent in two or more languages. Speaking another language also gives one an edge over another employee with equal training when competing for a promotion. Improved Overall School/Intellectual Performance Studies have suggested that students who study foreign language are more creative and are more capable of solving complex problems than those students that do not study a foreign language. (Marcos, “Why, How, and When Should my Child Learn a Second Language”) These students also demonstrate superiority in divergent thinking, 10 memory ability, attention span, and score higher in both verbal and non-verbal intelligence. (Benefits of Second Language Learning) “One study showed that by the fifth year of an immersion program, students outperformed all comparison groups and remained high academic achievers throughout their schooling.” (Marcos, “Why, How, and When Should my Child Learn a Second Language”)
Students that study a second language also tend to have higher test scores in subjects such as reading, language, and mathematics. It has also been observed that for every additional year of a foreign language a student receives, the more likely the student is to excel at other subjects. (Benefits of Second Language Learning) Improved Standardized Test Scores Research states, according to a 1992 report, College Bound Seniors: The 1992 Profile of SAT and Achievement Test Takers, students who had taken 4 or more years of a foreign language scored higher on the verbal portion of the SAT I. (Marcos, “Why, How, and When Should my Child Learn a Second Language”) Other more recent studies have been conducted that further support this report. In addition to SAT I scores, SAT II foreign language test scores as well as advanced placement examination scores for foreign languages would increase on an average. Higher standardized test scores would help students become accepted to college and would ensure that the student is prepared for further foreign language studies in college. These students may even be applicable to receive college credit for work done in high school. 11 Enhancing of Primary Language Foreign language students are at a benefit because they are able to develop a greater understanding of their primary language. Through learning the structures of other languages students are able develop a better understanding of how the English language works. Second language education has been proven to significantly strengthen the student’s primary language in areas such as grammar, vocabulary, reading, and communication skills. (Benefits of Second Language Learning) Many educators and parents worry that the study of a second language early in the child’s development of their primary language, will negatively affect the progression of this primary language. This is not the case, because studies state that the earlier a child starts a second language, the greater the positive effect on the primary language. (Alberta) Studies have been conducted and offer evidence “that no long-term delay in native English language development occurs in children participating in second language classes, even in full immersion programs.” (Marcos, “Why, How, and When Should my Child Learn a Second Language”)
Deeper Understanding of Culture In today’s society, it is very important to be able to look beyond cultural boundaries. “Language, communication, and education have become the national defense of the year 2000. Language and understanding other culture will be more critical than ever in this new world.” (McClendon) Students that study a second language are introduced to a great variety of culture and as a result demonstrate a greater cultural sensitivity. In addition to this, students are provided with superior cross-cultural skills and are able to better accustom themselves to a variety of cultural contexts. (Benefits of 12 Second Language Learning)
The awareness of other cultures will allow students to better appreciate their own culture as well as those of their peers and even strangers. In the workplace this is a very valuable trait because foreign companies are often more receptive to culturally aware businessmen/businesswomen. Contribution to Society People that are able to speak a second language are a benefit to American society because they “enhance our economic competitiveness abroad, improve global communication, and maintain our political and security interests.” (Marcos, “Why, How, and When Should my Child Learn a Second Language”) Foreign relations are very important, and there is a desperate need for qualified people who speak foreign languages in areas such as science, technology, medicine, and global commerce. (Alberta)
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